By Chen Guiqing

Japan recently allowed Cho Jung-tai, chief of Taiwan's executive body, to visit Tokyo under the pretext of privately watching a baseball game. Cho Jung-tai has thus become the first chief of Taiwan's executive body to visit Japan since the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan in 1972. This political farce disguised in the cloak of sports is by no means an isolated case of so-called "people-to-people exchange," but rather a dangerous signal of deepening convergence between Japanese right-wing forces and "Taiwan independence" separatist forces on the island.

Since taking office, Sanae Takaichi has led Japan's political arena further down the right-wing path. On the Taiwan question, after putting forward the fallacy that "a Taiwan contingency is a Japan contingency," she has continued to play the "Taiwan card" with greater intensity in the political, economic, and military fields. Japan–Taiwan collusion has shifted from covert maneuvering to open provocation, repeatedly testing the limits through "playing on the margins" in an attempt to break through political red lines, legal boundaries, and security constraints. This has flagrantly undermined the political foundation of China–Japan relations and seriously endangered peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

The escalating collusion between Japan and Taiwan reflects the evolution of Japan's Taiwan policy. Viewed comprehensively, Japan's moves related to Taiwan in recent years indicate that its Taiwan policy has undergone a dangerous transformation from following the lead of the US to actively manipulating the issue, from ambiguous statements to substantive breakthroughs, and from covert political-economic collusion to comprehensive and multi-domain advancement. The risks and harmful consequences continue to rise.

From a legal perspective, Japan has continuously revised security legislation in an attempt to create a "legal cover" for potential involvement in the Taiwan Strait. The Takaichi cabinet has treated the Taiwan question as a gateway for breaking through the constraints of the pacifist constitution and reshaping Japan's status as a major military power. By equating a "Taiwan contingency" with a so-called "survival-threatening situation" for Japan, and relying on the new security legislation and a series of defense policy documents, it has substantially loosened the conditions for exercising the right of collective self-defense. This forcibly links the situation in the Taiwan Strait with Japan's own security and, in legal terms, leaves room for potential military intervention in the Taiwan Strait as part of its effort to break free from the constraints of the postwar system.

At the economic and trade level, Japan uses the pretext of "economic security" to draw Taiwan into building a small circle of "China-excluding" industrial and supply chains. Japan has also sought to deepen its penetration into Taiwan through economic and trade cooperation, luring TSMC's 3-nanometer chip manufacturing technology to Japan. By leveraging economic interests to bind political positions, it is turning economic ties into a tool for interfering in China's internal affairs.

At the military and security level, Japan–Taiwan collusion has become increasingly open and institutionalized. Under the pretexts of "evacuation planning," "maritime search and rescue," and "intelligence exchanges," the two sides have carried out joint drills, personnel exchanges, and cooperation on equipment and technology. Japanese defense personnel have visited Taiwan under civilian identities, while Taiwan personnel have participated in Japan's security-related seminars, gradually forming a quasi-military coordination mechanism. The Japanese side has repeatedly hyped the so-called "Taiwan Strait threat" to justify increasing its defense budget and strengthening deployments in the southwestern islands of Japan, further tying Taiwan to the chariot of military expansion driven by Japan's right-wing forces.

The collusion between Japanese right-wing forces and "Taiwan independence" separatists on the island stems from their shared political self-interest and dangerous ambitions. Japanese right-wing forces refuse to reflect on the crimes of historical aggression and attempt to use Taiwan as a pawn in geopolitical maneuvering and a forward position for containing China. Meanwhile, "Taiwan independence" separatist forces on the island are well aware that their secessionist agenda lacks public support and has no viable future. As a result, they treat external interfering forces such as Japan as a lifeline for splitting the country and willingly serve as a spearhead against China. The two sides exploit each other and pursue their respective interests, jointly undermining cross-Strait relations, China–Japan relations, and regional order.

There is but one China in the world. Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory. This is a widely recognized fact in the international community and a solemn commitment affirmed in the four political documents between China and Japan. No matter under what pretext Japan manipulates the Taiwan question, or by what covert means it colludes with "Taiwan independence" forces, it cannot change the historical and legal reality that Taiwan belongs to China.

Japan's erroneous actions are eroding the political mutual trust between China and Japan, harming the fundamental interests of the two peoples, and intensifying regional tensions and confrontation. The position of the Chinese government and the Chinese people on the Taiwan question has been consistent and unwavering. China will leave no room for any form of "Taiwan independence" separatist activities and will never allow any external forces to interfere in China's internal affairs. Any external force that challenges China's core interests or plays with fire on the Taiwan question will inevitably face firm countermeasures and pay a heavy price.

(The author is a research fellow of the Institute of Taiwan Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

Editor's note: Originally published on huanqiu.com, this article is translated from Chinese into English and edited by the China Military Online. The information and opinions in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of eng.chinamil.com.cn.