By Shen Yamei

沈雅梅

Recently, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken delivered a speech titled "The Power and Purpose of American Diplomacy in a New Era" at Johns Hopkins University, in which he stated that the "post-Cold War world order has come to an end." His speech outlined the logic of US diplomacy under the Biden administration, reaffirming America's perceived threats, emphasizing that alliances are US's "greatest strategic asset" in diplomacy and highlighting the decisive significance of current US decisions for the next few decades.

美国国务卿布林肯日前在约翰·霍普金斯大学发表题为“新时代美国外交的实力与目标”的演讲，称“后冷战世界秩序已经终结。”演讲系统呈现了拜登政府以来美国外交的逻辑，再次确认美国眼中的“威胁”，重申“联盟”是美国外交“最重要的资产”，强调当下美国决策对于未来数十年的决定性意义。

In reality, the notion of the "end of the post-Cold War era," strengthening the alliance system, and enhancing partnerships is not new. These terms have repeatedly surfaced during events such as the 9/11 attacks and the Iraq War, the 2008 financial crisis, and the 2022 Ukraine crisis. They reflect the US' confusion and arrogance as it lost its direction after the end of the Cold War and desperately sought a new identity.

实际上，“后冷战时代终结”、强化联盟体系和伙伴关系等内容，并非新提法，这些字眼在“9·11”事件和伊拉克战争、2008年国际金融危机、2022年乌克兰危机时都反复出现过，背后是美国在冷战结束后失去方向、迫切希望寻找定位的迷茫与傲慢。

Faced with a constantly changing international environment, the US continues to stubbornly adhere to old concepts and practices, to the point where it fails to see the reality of the world and find a path forward. As Blinken mentioned, US decision-makers must act decisively in the fog of reality, which, however, may objectively bring more uncertainties and dangers to the world.

美国面对不断变化的国际环境，仍然顽固坚持以往的观念和做法，以至于看不到世界的现实，找不到前进的道路。正如布林肯所说，美国决策者必须在现实的“一团迷雾”中“果断行动”，而这客观上带给世界的可能是更多悬念和危险。

In contrast to the Cold War era when the "Iron Curtain" divided the world into two blocs, the "international order" of the post-Cold War era is in its nascent stage and encompasses all members of the global community. This includes developing nations, countries with varying social systems, and diverse civilizations. The post-Cold War world order is currently undergoing significant evolution and development. It has not reached its conclusion; instead, it is imperative that we abandon antiquated notions and practices in American diplomacy.

相对于冷战时期的“铁幕”将世界一分为二，“后冷战”以来包括广大发展中国家、不同社会制度国家、不同文明形态国家等国际社会全体成员在内的、真正具有世界意义的“国际秩序”才刚开始形成。“后冷战世界秩序”仍在深刻演变发展，没有终结，应当终结的是美国外交的陈旧观念和做法。

Firstly, American politicians continue to view the world through the lens of domestic politics, but the world is not America's "laboratory."

第一，美国政客仍习惯于用内政的思维看世界，但世界并非美国的“实验室”。

American politics is often described as an "experiment," with the US's 50 states being touted as laboratories where different policies can be tested to determine what works and what doesn't. As a result, the US has, consciously or unconsciously, regarded other countries as testing grounds, arenas, or even training grounds, assuming that it can shape the world in its own image.

美国政治常被称为一场“试验”，例如美国标榜自己的50个州是50个可以测试哪些政策管用、哪些行不通的“实验室”。由此，它也一直有意无意地把其他国家看作“试验场”“竞技场”甚至“练兵场”，以为可以按自己的模样塑造世界。

However, in a multipolar era, an increasing number of countries are determining their own development paths, and the US can no longer continue to impose its will on others. American politics is also often seen as a power struggle between different interests, with political parties vying for electoral victories through strategies that involve glorifying themselves, denigrating their opponents, and dividing voters. With the escalating hostility between the Democratic and Republican parties and within American society, the style of "extreme competition" has spread outward, prompting the US to engage in international competition, using other countries' core interests as tools of competition, means of provocation, and even sacrificing the interests of other countries to seek strategic advantage. Such notions and practices, which completely contradict the essence of diplomacy and seriously undermine the foundation of international relations, should come to an end.

但在多极化时代，越来越多国家在自主决定发展道路，美国已不能继续把自己的意志强加于他国。美国政治也常被视为不同利益之间的权力斗争，政党通过美化自己、贬低对手、切割选民等策略争取选举胜利。随着民主与共和两党之间及社会内部的敌意升级，“极端竞争”“与人为敌”的风格向外扩散，推动美国在国际上也大搞“竞争”，把他国的核心利益作为竞争工具、挑衅手段，甚至以牺牲他国的利益为代价谋求“实力优势”。这种彻底违背外交本质、严重损害国际关系基础的观念和做法应当结束。

Secondly, American diplomacy still clings to the traditional Western great power trajectory of dominance through war, conflict, and confrontation. However, peace, development, and cooperation are what the people of the world truly need.

第二，美国外交仍停留在西方传统大国以战争、冲突、对抗等方式争霸的轨迹上，但和平、发展、合作才是世界人民所需。

The US places a strong emphasis on using geopolitical and military means to solve problems, which no longer aligns with the needs of the 21st century and does not promote the interests of the US or other countries in the world. During the George W. Bush era, a unilateralist approach was taken, using force to promote "democracy", resulting in strategic overextension and fundamentally disrupting the political ecology of the Middle East.During the Obama era, there was a shift towards multilateralism, but it was unable to reverse the trend of economic financialization, industrial hollowing, and political polarization in the US. It also introduced the practice of "soft balancing" in international relations.During the Trump era, populism was catered to, "America First" was promoted, the crisis of American values became apparent, and unpredictable Trump shockwaves were sent to the world. The Biden administration aims to repair America’s domestic institutions and international influence and seeks to return to the status quo of hegemony. However, it keeps returning to the Cold War toolbox, crafting a narrative of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and creating new divisions.

美国重视用地缘政治和军事手段解决问题，这已不符合21世纪的需要，也未能促进美国和世界其他各国的利益。小布什时期走单边主义路线，用武力推广“民主”，造成战略透支，也从根本上搅乱了中东政治生态。奥巴马时期转向多边主义，但已无力扭转美国经济金融化、产业空心化、政治两极化的局面，且引入了国际关系“软制衡”的做法。特朗普时期迎合民粹主义，推行“美国优先”，美国价值观危机凸显，也给世界造成不可预期的“特朗普冲击波”。拜登政府意在修复美国国内制度和国际影响力，促使霸权“恢复常态”，但它不断回到冷战工具箱，炮制“民主对抗威权”叙事，制造新的裂痕。

The US is keen on using policy tools such as "alliance", "deterrence", "checks and balances" and "confrontation" to spread the alliance system from the political and security fields to other fields such as economy and science and technology, and even call other countries "geometric variables of US diplomacy". It not only undermines world peace and development but also does not help solve common problems faced by the international community such as climate change and major public health crises.

美国热衷于使用“结盟”“威慑”“制衡”“对抗”等政策工具，把同盟体系从政治安全领域向经济、科技等其他领域扩散，甚至把其他国家称为“美国外交的几何变量”，不仅破坏世界和平与发展，也无助于推动解决气候变化、大型公共卫生危机等国际社会普遍面临的难题。

Third, the US continues to innovate its narratives, but global affairs are no longer limited to American interpretations.

第三，美国不断翻新叙事，但世界事务已不局限于美国的诠释。

Since the Cold War, the US has employed discourse hegemony to promote the idea of "liberal internationalism", using it to cover up the history of Western colonialism and neocolonial ambitions. As more non-Western countries gain prominence on the world stage and act independently, American academia has produced a series of political theories, including "structural realism", "end of ideology", "end of history", etc. These theories seek to transform the concept of a nation into a standardized, universal symbol placed within the confines of American exceptionalism-based frameworks. At the same time, they downplay the historical and cultural aspects, ethnic characteristics, and political systems that other countries encompass.

冷战以来，美国运用话语霸权宣扬所谓“自由国际主义”话语，以此掩盖西方殖民主义的历史和新殖民主义图谋。随着越来越多非西方国家在世界舞台上崭露头角、独立自主行事，美国学界还生产了一系列政治理论，包括“结构现实主义”“意识形态终结论”“历史终结论”等，把“国家”变成格式化、标准化、普世性的符号，放置在基于美式制度优越感的条条框框里，同时弱化其他国家的“国家”所包含的历史文化、民族特性、政治制度等精神内核。

The US' attempts to reshape others according to its own wishes from the outset have been wrong and, increasingly, unattainable in an era of diverse civilizations. In a world characterized by diverse civilizations, the US encounters more and more resistance. The majority of countries do not share the US perception of "threats", do not endorse the rhetoric of "democracy versus authoritarianism", and are unwilling to take sides in "great power competition", breaking the monopoly of the American narrative.

美方试图按照自己的意愿改造别人从一开始就是错误的，更是不可能实现的，在多元文明时代里遭遇越来越多反弹。世界大多数国家并不认同美国对“威胁”的认知，不认同所谓“民主对抗威权”的言论，不愿在“大国竞争”中选边站队，已经打破“美国叙事”的垄断。

History has not ended, and the future awaits to be written. In the new multipolar world, the US should conduct a fresh evaluation of its diplomacy and step away from the logic of competition and confrontation, and instead, approach international relations with a mindset of inclusivity and equality, respecting other countries' legitimate rights to development. Ultimately, viewing the world through the lens of camps and alliances leads to division, conflict, and zero-sum outcomes. However, by embracing the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, the path forward lies in openness, cooperation, and mutual benefit.

历史没有终结，未来有待书写。在新的多极世界里，美国对外交进行新的评估应当跳出竞争、对抗逻辑，以包容、平等心态尊重他国的正当发展权利。归根结底，从阵营、结盟的视角看世界，分裂、冲突、输赢就成为关键词；从人类命运共同体看世界，开放、合作、共赢就是出路所在。

(The author is the director of the Department for American Studies, China Institute of International Studies)

（作者是中国国际问题研究院美国研究所所长）

Editor's note: Originally published on china.com.cn, this article is translated from Chinese into English and edited by the China Military Online. The information and opinions in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of eng.chinamil.com.cn.