By Liu Lin
刘琳
The largest-scale joint exercise between the US and Indonesia, the 2024 Super Garuda Shield exercise, kicked off on August 26 and will last till September 6 at several Indonesian military exercise ranges on Java and Sumatra.
8月26日，美国和印度尼西亚之间最大规模的联合演习“超级神鹰之盾-2024”拉开帷幕。演习将持续到9月6日，在爪哇岛和苏门答腊岛上的多个印尼军方演习场举行。
Originally a bilateral army exercise between the two countries, the Super Garuda Shield exercise was expanded into a multi-service event in 2022 involving the participation of more partner states. The latest exercise, the third after the elevation, created a record high in the number of both participating countries and troops. Indonesia deployed about 4,400 troops and the US dispatched about 1,800 to the exercise, along with hundreds of military personnel from Australia, Canada, Singapore, the ROK, the UK, France, and New Zealand, and observers from 12 other countries.
“超级神鹰之盾”演习最初只是美印尼之间的双边陆军演习，2022年开始扩展为多军种演习，并有更多伙伴国参加。作为升级之后的第三次演习，此次联演规模创新高，不论是参演国数量还是参演人数均超过去年。印尼派出约4400人参演，美国派出约1800名军人,另有数百名来自澳大利亚、加拿大、新加坡、韩国、英国、法国和新西兰等国的军方人员参加演习，还有12个国家派出观察员观摩演习。
The exercise subjects included airborne operations, joint strikes, and amphibious operations. It's worth noting that cyber subjects were conducted for the first time, highlighting how much importance the two countries attach to strengthening their cyber defense capabilities. Besides, the first-ever participation of countries such as the ROK, Canada and France reflects America's attempt to further reinforce the Indo-Pacific network of allies and partners.
此次演习科目包括空降作战、联合打击和两栖行动等。值得一提的是，此次演习首次纳入网络科目演练，凸显美印尼对加强网络防御能力的重视。此外，韩国、加拿大、法国等国首次加入该演习，折射出美国企图进一步加强印太盟友伙伴网络的考虑。
The growing scale of the exercise – from bilateral to multilateral, from the army to multiple services – mirrors the geostrategic reality in the Indo-Pacific region and the considerations of the participants.
从双边到多边，从单一陆军到多军种，演习规模的不断扩大，反映了印太地区的地缘战略现实和各参演方的诸多考量。
First of all, joint military exercises, including the Super Garuda Shield, are important measures for the US to advance its so-called "Indo-Pacific strategy" on the military level. In recent years, the US has been organizing or participating in a rising number of joint exercises in the Indo-Pacific, with typical exercises like the Balikatan and the Super Garuda Shield assuming ever larger scale with more combat-oriented subjects. While the US claimed the exercises are aimed to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific, they are actually to improve Washington's military deployments and war-readiness in the region and enhance the equipment interoperability with its allies. In particular, the US has brought its key allies, including the ROK, Japan, Australia and the UK, into several bilateral exercises, with a clear view to reinforcing their joint operation capability.
首先，包括“超级神鹰之盾”在内的联合军演是美国在军事层面推进所谓“印太战略”的重要手段。近年来，美国在印太范围内组织或参与的联演数量不断增加，“肩并肩”“超级神鹰之盾”等标志性演习规模日益扩大，演练科目向实战靠拢，名义上是“维护自由开放的印太”，实际上则是逐步完善在印太的军事部署和作战准备，提升与盟友在装备方面的互操作性。特别是，美国不断将韩、日、澳、英等重要盟友逐步纳入多个双边演习中，实现双边演习多边化，加强盟友间联合作战能力的意图明显。
Second, the continuous expansion of the Super Garuda Shield exercise indicates the ever-closer military bond between the US and Indonesia. The US sees Indonesia as a key partner in its implementation of the Indo-Pacific strategy and seeks to intensify the bilateral military and defense cooperation because of Indonesia's important strategic location on the maritime transport route. Expanding their joint exercise is just one way of promoting their military cooperation in recent years. Last August, Indonesia signed separate agreements with Boeing and Lockheed Martin to buy 24 F-15EX fighters and 24 Black Hawk helicopters. In last October, Washington and Jakarta had their first "2+2" diplomatic and defense dialogue, at which they agreed to intensify defense cooperation in such areas as maritime security, military medicine, peacekeeping, and military education. Through closer military cooperation, Indonesia hopes to leverage America's strengths to modernize its own military and enhance its presence on hotspot regional issues.
其次，“超级神鹰之盾”演习的持续扩容反映了美印尼之间军事关系的不断强化。印尼地处海上交通线要冲，基于其重要的战略地位，美国将印尼视为“印太战略”的重要伙伴国，寻求加强与印尼的军事防务合作。联合演训规模的扩大只是美印尼近年来推进军事合作的一个方面。去年8月，印尼分别与波音公司和洛克希德·马丁公司签署协议，购买了24架F-15EX战斗机和24架“黑鹰”直升机。同年10月，美印尼举行首次高级别“2+2”外交政策和防务对话，双方同意在海上安全、军事医学、维和和军事教育等领域加强防务合作。印尼加强与美国军事合作，一方面是借助美国支持提升印尼国民军现代化建设水平，另一方面也有着眼地区热点问题的考量。
Third, under America's instigation and support, its allies such as Japan and Australia have also intensified their defense ties with Indonesia. Not long ago, Indonesian and Australian defense ministers visited each other and signed a defense cooperation agreement aimed to facilitate the mutual visit of their militaries to each other's bases, carry out joint exercises, and strengthen educational and training exchanges. Indonesia and Japan have also formed the "2+2" dialogue mechanism. Considering all these, Japan and Australia's participation in the Super Garuda Shield exercise would come as no surprise.
再次，在美国的怂恿和支持下，日本、澳大利亚等美国盟友与印尼的防务关系也在不断加强。前不久，印尼和澳大利亚防长实现互访，双方签署防务合作协议，旨在便利两国军队互访对方基地、开展联合演习、加强教育培训交流等。印尼与日本也建立了“2+2”对话机制。基于上述发展，日、澳加入“超级神鹰之盾”演习便不足为奇了。
America's rallying of allies for joint exercises in the Indo-Pacific has injected uncertainties into the region as some of their exercises are clearly targeted. In addition to stepping up military deterrence, the US also dreams of conducting joint interference with its allies in case a crisis or conflict breaks out in the region.
美国纠集盟友不断在印太搞联合演习，为地区局势注入不安定因素。这些演习往往有着鲜明的指向性和针对性，除加强军事威慑外，美国还企图在印太海域发生危机或冲突时，能与盟友一道进行联合干预。
Analysts say Indonesia has traditionally upheld an independent diplomatic policy without the intention of picking sides between the major countries. Therefore, while strengthening military cooperation with the US and its allies, Jakarta has tried to downplay the strategic influence of the exercise by, for instance, incorporating many civil subjects. In the foreseeable future, it will continue to strike a balance between the major countries in order to protect its own strategic interests.
分析人士认为，印尼传统上奉行独立自主的外交政策，无意在大国之间选边站队。因此，在加强与美国及其盟友军事合作的同时，印尼试图淡化该演习的战略影响，如演习中纳入不少民事内容。在可预见的未来，印尼基于自身战略利益，仍将在大国之间保持有利于己的平衡政策。
(The author is from the Institute of International Strategies, National Academy of Governance)
［作者单位：国家行政学院国际战略研究院］
