By: Wang Wei
During the early years of the Cold War, the United States witnessed the notorious McCarthyism. McCarthy, a self-serving fringe politician, exploited human weaknesses, stirred up anti-communist sentiments, and fomented societal divisions. The book Fulbright: Critic of American Cold War Diplomacy" describes that McCarthy continually sowed discord and chaos, causing immense harm to U.S. relations with other countries. Among the American people, there existed a pervasive pathological psychology of hatred and fear due to a lack of understanding and communication. McCarthyism exacerbated this psychological state.
History has rendered its verdict. "McCarthyism" was a morally reprehensible and conscience-defying political tactic. After this farce was exposed, McCarthy and his followers were reviled by the public. However, just two generations later, McCarthy's invented political sorcery has resurfaced in Americ.
In recent years, as the US has defined its entire relationship with China as so-called "great power competition," the image of China as America's adversary, and even its enemy, has solidified. Various forces in the US have formed a consensus on China-related issues, viewing China as a "comprehensive threat" and an "unprecedented challenge."
This perception of threat continues to be magnified, and even in legislative activities where seriousness should have prevailed, members of the US Congress hyped up the "China threat" without any bottom line. Some lawmakers accused China of "infiltrating" the US higher education system, while others charged China with "interfering" in the US judicial activities. There were also lawmakers who worried about China "controlling" the US cyberspace. These various statements reflected the fervor and enthusiasm of American politicians, who, driven by "political correctness," are eager to display a tough stance towards China. This scene awakens the memories of the rise of McCarthyism in the 1950s.
Political scientist Pan Chengxin has made a summary of the "Western narrative of China's rise." "The discourse of 'China threat theory' not only prescribes containment but also strongly enforces it. This is an expression of linguistic tyranny, where people are governed by labels and weapon-like rhetoric,." he said,
On May 4, 2023, a briefing in the US Congress (S1540) recorded the remarks of a female senator. Protecting the communication infrastructure is a national, bipartisan issue, and the members of the Federal Communications Commission all expressed strong support, she pointed out, adding that just a week before, Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo agreed to address this issue immediately, and in the coming weeks, they would gain a broader bipartisan consensus. She herself would push for the swift passage of the Defend Our Networks Act.
This congressional record clearly shows that if legislative needs with specific purposes are framed as addressing "national security threats," it can increase the likelihood of the bill's passage and, at times, expedite its passage. "China threat theory" thus becomes the baton for political mobilization.
Political scientist Dominique Moïsi once said, "There are two driving forces in political life: fear and hope... There is an America united by fear and an America driven by hope." At present, it seems that "America united by fear" may be gaining the upper hand. Consequently, Sinophobia has become the software system driving the entire American machine.
After the Cold War, the US was once filled with hope. Hope motivated people to use the post-Cold War changes to gain more control over their own destiny, resist domination and oppression, promote social justice, and seek a better life. However, in recent years, the US has begun to reflect on the post-Cold War American complacency. For example, former President Trump believed that due to the inadequate responses of previous US presidents, the US had lost its advantages in many important areas; the West was no longer setting the tone, which was unprecedented in two hundred years; globalization no longer belonged to the US, and the US was losing control over the world's future—and all of this was blamed on China.
Trump successfully awakened Americans' latent racial consciousness. In American political discourse, China, which is non-Western, atheistic, and embraces communism, is seen as uncertain and unpredictable, thus posing risks. The US, considering itself a representative of Western civilization, cannot tolerate challenges to the international hierarchy it leads from non-Western sources.
Today's America is no longer dominated by liberalism. The peak of liberal internationalism has passed. The "engagement policy" has become a political taboo that no one dares to mention. Instead, neoconservatism is on the rise again, operating under the banner of "great power competition" and practicing "confronting China." However, this approach seems to cater more to the interests of the military-industrial complex rather than benefiting the general population.
In the atmosphere of a new Cold War and the resurgence of McCarthyism, ordinary Americans need to be vigilant. They should question what exactly the pursuit of national confrontation under the guise of competition will bring to themselves and those around them.
(The author is a senior researcher at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)
